to himself from all the blame which must attend our office this next year; but I fear the King will suffer by it. Thence to Westminster Hall, and there to the conference of the Houses about the word ‘Nusance,’ which the Commons would have, and the Lords will not, in the Irish Bill. The Commons do it professedly to prevent the King’s dispensing with it; which Sir Robert Howard and others did expressly repeat often: viz., ‘that no King ever could do any thing which was hurtful to his people.’ Now the Lords did argue that it was an ill precedent, and that which will ever hereafter be used as a way of preventing the King’s dispensation with acts; and therefore rather advise to pass the Bill without that word, and let it go accompanied with a petition to the King that he will not dispense with it; this being a more civil way to the King. They answered well, that this do imply that the King should pass their Bill, and yet with design to dispense with it; which is to suppose the King guilty of abusing them. And more, they produce precedents for it; namely, that against new buildings, and about leather, where the word ‘Nusance’ is used to the purpose: and further, that they do not rob the King of any right he ever had, for he never had a power to do hurt to his people, nor would exercise it; and therefore there is no danger in the passing this Bill of imposing on his prerogative; and concluded that they think they ought to do this, so as the people may really have the benefit of it when it is passed, for never any people could expect so reasonably to be indulged something from a King, they having already given him so much money, and are likely to give more. Thus they broke up, both adhering to their opinions; but the Commons seemed much more full of judgment and reason than the Lords. Then the Commons made their Report to the Lords of their vote that their Lordships’ proceedings in the Bill for examining Accounts were unparliamentary, they having, while a Bill was sent up to them from the Commons about the business, petitioned his Majesty that he would do the same thing by his Commission. They did give their reasons: viz. that it had no precedent; that the King ought not to be informed of any thing passing in the Houses till it comes to a Bill; that it will wholly break off all correspondence between the two Houses, and in the issue wholly infringe the very use and being of Parliaments. Thence to Faythorne, and bought a head or two; one of them my Lord of Ormond’s, the best I ever saw. To Arundell House, where first the Royal Society meet by the favour of Mr Harry Howard, who was there. And here was a great meeting of worthy noble persons; but my Lord Brouncker, who pretended to make a congratulatory speech upon their coming hither, and great thanks to Mr Howard, did do it in the worst manner in the world.

14th. Sir W. Batten tells me the Lords do agree at last with the Commons about the word ‘Nusance’ in the Irish Bill, and do desire a good correspondence between the two Houses; and that the King do intend to prorogue them the last of this month.

16th. Sir W. Coventry came to me aside in the Duke’s chamber to tell that he had not answered part of a late letter of mine, because littera scripta manet. About his leaving the office, he tells me, it is because he finds that his business at Court will not permit him to attend it; and then he confesses that he seldom of late could come from it with satisfaction, and therefore would not take the King’s money for nothing. I professed my sorrow for it, and prayed the continuance of his favour; which he promised. I do believe he hath acted like a very wise man in reference to himself; but I doubt it will prove ill for the King, and for the office. Prince Rupert, I hear, is very ill; yesterday given over, but better to-day. Sir Stephen Fox, among other things, told me his whole mystery in the business of the interest he pays as Treasurer for the Army. They give him 12d. per pound quite through the Army, with condition to be paid weekly. This he undertakes for his own private credit, and to be paid by the King at the end of every four months. If the King pay him not at the end of every four months, then, for all the time he stays longer, my Lord Treasurer by agreement allows him eight per cent. per annum for the forbearance. So that, in fine, he hath about twelve per cent. from the King, and the Army, for fifteen or sixteen months’ interest; out of which he gains soundly, his expense being about £130,000 per annum; and hath no trouble in it, compared (as I told him) to the trouble I must have to bring in an account of interest. Talk there is of a letter to come from Holland, desiring a place of treaty; but I do doubt it. This day I observe still in many places the smoking remains of the late fire: the ways mighty bad and dirty. This night Sir R. Ford told me how this day, at Christ church Hospital, they have given a living of £200 per annum to Mr Sanchy, my old acquaintance, which I wonder at, he commending him mightily; but am glad of it. He tells me too how the famous Stillingfleete was a Blue-coat boy.