will be with you.’ With his eyes full of tears, he walked round and examined the present, pronounced it beautiful, thanked me kindly, but said: ‘You must not give me the praise—it belongs to God.”’

Some public men desired Mr. Lincoln to issue his Proclamation of Emancipation long before he did. Delegations waited upon him to express their wishes in that direction. To a delegation of clergymen from Chicago, who urged the measure upon him, he replied:—

“I do not want to issue a document that the whole world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope’s bull against the comet.”

After some discussion, however, he assured them that “the subject was upon his mind night and day, more than any other;” and he added, “Whatever shall appear to be God’s will, I will do.”

He called a special Cabinet meeting two or three weeks before the battle of Antietam, and announced to the members:—

“I have prepared a proclamation of emancipation, believing that the time has come to issue it. I have not called you together for advice on the general subject, for I have settled that; I simply desire to inform you of my purpose, and receive such suggestions as you may make.”

The members were somewhat surprised, but expressed a strong desire to hear it read. The President proceeded to read it in a slow, clear voice, evidently impressed with the grave responsibility he was taking upon himself. When he had finished reading the document, and opened the way for suggestions, Secretary Chase remarked:

“I would like to have the language stronger with reference to arming the blacks.”

“I think it is bad policy to issue it now,” said the Attorney-General. “It will cost the administration the fall elections.” It was then about the first of September, 1862.

“All these questions I have carefully considered, gentlemen,” was Mr. Lincoln’s response.

Secretary Seward remarked, at this point:—

“Mr. President, I approve of the proclamation, but I question the expediency of its issue at this juncture. The depression of the public mind consequent upon our repeated reverses is so great that I fear the effect of so important a step. It may be viewed as the last measure of an exhausted government—a cry for help—the government stretching forth its hand to Ethiopia, instead of Ethiopia stretching forth its hand to the government—our last shriek on the retreat. I think it would be best to delay it until it can be given to the country supported by military success, rather than after the greatest disasters of the war.”

“That is a thought that has not occurred to me,” immediately replied the President, “I shall adopt the suggestion at once, and await a signal victory.”

Before the discussion ceased, however, Secretary Seward made another suggestion:—

“Mr. President, I think that you should insert, after the word ‘recognize,’ the words ‘and maintain.’ ”

“I have fully considered the import of that expression” answered Mr. Lincoln; “but it is not my way to promise more than I am sure I can perform, and I am not prepared to say that I can ‘maintain’ this.”

“Nevertheless that ground should be taken,” continued the Secretary. “The dignity of the government and the completeness of the proclamation require it.”

After a moment of serious thoughtfulness, the President responded, “You are right, Seward, and the words shall go in.”